Bronte Wells
The Republican Party in the United States has been accused of bowing to, depending on, and promoting far-right extremists and conspiracy theorists for the past 70 years. The party's association with extremism can be traced back to the 1950s, when Joe McCarthy rose to prominence within the GOP by exploiting Cold War paranoia and stoking fears of Communist infiltration. McCarthy's conspiratorial rhetoric set a precedent for future Republican politicians to embrace extreme and conspiratorial notions. This trend continued in the 1960s, when Barry Goldwater's presidential campaign was bolstered by far-right extremists, and his acceptance of extremist support brought a wave of radicals into the Republican Party. The GOP has also been criticised for its embrace of figures like Robertson, the head of the Christian Broadcasting Network, who promoted conspiracy theories and encouraged his followers to infiltrate state party apparatuses. More recently, the Republican Party has been characterised by its opposition to environmental legislation and climate change denial, with President Trump taking aggressive steps to dismantle environmental regulations.
| Characteristics | Values |
|---|---|
| Bowing to, depending on, and promoting far-right extremists and conspiracists | For the past 70 years |
| Triggering national panic over supposed communist infiltration | McCarthyism |
| Encouraging fanatic followers to burrow into state party apparatuses | Robertsonism |
| Dismantling the Environmental Protection Agency | Trumpism |
| Voting against environmental legislation | Trumpism |
| Climate change denial | Trumpism |
| Embracing chaos as a political tool | Democratism |
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What You'll Learn
The GOP's embrace of far-right extremists and conspiracists
The GOP's association with far-right extremism continued in the 1964 presidential election when Barry Goldwater ran for president. He received significant support from far-right extremists, including Phyllis Schlafly, a secret member of the Birch Society, who wrote a book extolling Goldwater. With their assistance, Goldwater secured the Republican nomination and embraced extremism in his acceptance speech, declaring that "extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice."
Another example of the GOP's embrace of far-right extremists is the case of Robertson, who competed for the Republican presidential nomination in 1988. Robertson encouraged his followers to infiltrate state party apparatuses, and they gained control of local party mechanisms in several states. Robertson promoted various conspiratorial notions, including accusing Bush of being allied with international bankers. Despite his extreme views, the GOP embraced him and gave him a primetime speaking slot at their convention after he formed the Christian Coalition in 1990.
These instances demonstrate a pattern of the GOP's willingness to associate with and legitimize far-right extremists and conspiracists, often for political gain. This has contributed to the perception that the Republican Party has bowed to and promoted far-right ideologies over the past several decades.
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Joe McCarthy's rise and influence within the GOP
Joseph McCarthy, or "Tail-Gunner Joe", was a freshman senator from Wisconsin who rose to prominence in 1950. He claimed that 205 communists had infiltrated the State Department, which was a lie, but it struck a chord with millions of voters and caused a national panic. McCarthy's anti-communist crusade was accompanied by a government-mandated purge of federal employees deemed national security threats due to their "perverted" sexual orientation. He capitalised on the fears of a country weary of the Korean War and appalled by communist advances in eastern Europe and China.
McCarthy's campaign funds were unusually high, with much of the money coming from out of state. He benefited from a Communist Party vendetta against his opponent, Robert M. La Follette, and his victory was aided by the Communist-controlled United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers, CIO. McCarthy's win gave him access to more power, and he used his position to subpoena a series of government employees. He also instigated a nationwide militant anti-communist "crusade", appearing to his supporters as a dedicated patriot.
McCarthy's influence was such that he was able to attack prominent figures, including President Dwight D. Eisenhower, and other Republican and Democratic leaders. Eisenhower believed McCarthy to be a dangerous demagogue and fabricator, but was forced to campaign alongside him in 1952. McCarthy's influence began to wane in 1954, when he was publicly discredited by his brutal and truculent interrogative tactics, which turned the tide of public opinion against him. He was replaced as chairman of the investigating committee, and the Senate formally condemned him for conduct "contrary to Senate traditions".
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The Goldwater campaign and the flood of radicals
The Goldwater campaign of 1964 marked a significant shift for the GOP, as it ushered in a wave of radicals and far-right extremists into the Republican Party. Goldwater's presidential bid was enthusiastically backed by Birchers, including Phyllis Schlafly, who wrote a book in his support. Schlafly's book became a key component of the campaign, and with the support of these extremists, Goldwater secured the nomination.
In his acceptance speech at the GOP convention, Goldwater famously proclaimed that "extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice." While President Lyndon Johnson used this statement to defeat Goldwater in the general election, the damage had been done. The Republican Party now had to contend with a new influx of radicals who were there to stay.
The Goldwater campaign can be seen as a pivotal moment in the GOP's history, as it set a precedent for embracing far-right ideologies and conspiratorial notions. This shift towards extremism was further exacerbated by figures like Joe McCarthy, who, in the 1950s, stoked Cold War paranoia by alleging that the country was being infiltrated by Communists. McCarthy's fabrications and demagoguery struck a chord with voters, and he became a powerful force within the GOP, even influencing the moderate Dwight D. Eisenhower during his 1952 campaign.
The pattern continued with individuals like Pat Robertson, who competed for the Republican presidential nomination in 1988. Robertson encouraged his followers to infiltrate state party apparatuses, gaining control of local party mechanisms. Despite his crackpot conspiracies, the GOP embraced him and his Christian Coalition, valuing their organizing power over ideological coherence.
The Goldwater campaign, therefore, represents a turning point where the GOP began to actively court and depend on radicals and extremists, setting the stage for the party's continued shift towards the far-right in subsequent decades.
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Christian Coalition candidates and the GOP's embrace of Robertson
The Christian Coalition, founded by Pat Robertson, a Baptist minister, in the early 1990s, was a significant force in shaping the GOP's trajectory. Robertson, who headed the Christian Broadcasting Network, had sought the Republican Party's presidential nomination in 1988. Although he was unsuccessful, he left a lasting impact by encouraging his fervent followers to infiltrate state party apparatuses and promoting conspiratorial ideas.
Robertson's Christian Coalition, at its peak in the mid-1990s, boasted 1.7 million supporters and a substantial budget. It advocated for conservative positions on social issues, notably abortion and religious expression. The Coalition's influence extended beyond its direct political involvement. It distributed over 30 million pieces of literature, primarily through churches, providing voting guides that outlined candidates' stances on issues important to its followers. This ability to influence voters gave the Christian Coalition significant clout within the GOP.
The Christian Coalition's leadership played a pivotal role in its success. Ralph Reed, the executive director from 1989 to 1997, was instrumental in generating initial funding for the organization. He utilized the mailing list from Robertson's presidential campaign to appeal to religious conservatives and raise funds. Reed also encouraged supporters to establish local and state chapters, expanding the Coalition's reach.
Despite challenges from Christian Coalition candidates in local races, GOP leaders recognized the organizing power of the group. They turned a blind eye to Robertson's controversial views and embraced the support of his vast network. This alliance signaled a shift in the Republican Party, with religion becoming increasingly central to its politics.
Pat Robertson's legacy is marked by his ability to unite evangelical Christians and push them into conservative politics. By forming the Christian Coalition, he wedded evangelical Christianity to the Republican Party in a way that was once unimaginable. This fusion of religion and politics had a lasting impact on the GOP, influencing its direction and policies.
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Trumpism and the dismantling of the Environmental Protection Agency
Trumpism has been marked by a consistent repudiation of norms and the pursuit and abuse of power. The former president's administration proposed to cripple the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and roll back environmental regulations based on falsehoods that are often repeated by Republican members of Congress. These anti-environmental talking points claim that the EPA has been expanding and "killing" private sector jobs, and that regulations stifle economic growth. However, these claims are untrue and are politically useful as they provide excuses to loosen rules for polluting industries that donate disproportionately to Republican Congressional campaigns.
Trump's EPA administrator, Lee Zeldin, announced that the agency would undertake 31 historic actions to advance Trump's agenda of unleashing American energy, lowering the cost of living for Americans, revitalizing the American auto industry, and restoring the rule of law. These actions included terminating the Biden administration's Environmental Justice and DEI arms, ending the "Good Neighbor Plan," working with states and tribes to resolve backlogs with State and Tribal Implementation Plans, and reconstituting the Science Advisory Board and Clean Air Scientific Advisory Committee.
Trump's actions have faced legal challenges and criticism from environmentalists, who argue that his administration is dismantling climate protections and rolling back environmental regulations. They warn that the administration's cuts to scientific research will make it difficult to fully understand the impact of its deregulation. The administration has pulled down air-quality data, canceled grants, and plans to dissolve an EPA division dedicated to studying the environment's impact on public health. These actions create a situation where the government can claim it cannot regulate what it cannot prove is harmful, and researchers cannot prove harm without sufficient data and resources.
The EPA's enforcement of environmental laws has prevented a significant number of deaths and illnesses. For example, the enforcement of the 1990 amendments to the Federal Clean Air Act prevented about 160,000 premature deaths from particulate (soot) pollution in 2010, along with 1.7 million asthma attacks, 3.2 million lost school days, and 54,000 cases of bronchitis. Decades of economic research have shown that environmental regulations do not "kill jobs," and the Department of Labor Statistics reports that only 0.2% of layoffs are caused by regulations, including environmental ones.
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Frequently asked questions
The GOP has bowed to, depended on, and promoted far-right extremists and conspiracists for the past 70 years. This includes Joe McCarthy, who in 1952 claimed he had a list of 205 Communist Party members "working and shaping policy" in the State Department. McCarthy's allegations were false, but they triggered a national panic over supposed communist infiltration and he became a powerhouse within the GOP.
In 1964, Goldwater ran for president with the help of Birchers and other far-right extremists. He secured the nomination and famously declared that "extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice". In 1988, Robertson, head of the Christian Broadcasting Network, ran for the Republican presidential nomination. He encouraged his followers to take control of local party mechanisms and spread conspiratorial notions. Despite this, the GOP embraced him and gave him a primetime speaking slot at its convention.
Research has found that there is likely to be more pollution when the US Congress and state Governorships are held by Republicans, and that pollution is lower under Democratic control. This is particularly true when Republicans control both Congress and the governorship, which is correlated with about 29% higher pollution concentrations. This is due to gubernatorial control over state environmental agencies and Congressional control over federal environmental spending, which play a key role in dictating the effectiveness of environmental regulations.
